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On July 14, 2016, Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held a rally in front of a roaring crowd, rousing supporters of the Democratic candidate during her campaign against Republican business mogul Donald Trump. “We’re going to have a lot of jobs,” Clinton said to a group of younger voters. “Jobs from building infrastructure to coding. Creating new apps. I don’t know who created the app ‘Pokémon GO,’” she continued, attempting to connect to her audience. “But I’m trying to figure out how we get them to Pokémon GO to the polls.” If only the then-69-year-old would’ve realized the absolute hilarity of her comment, no pun intended. To her credit, she wasn’t the worst one. In the 2004 Democratic Primary, candidate Howard Dean, Governor of Vermont, gathered his supporters at Val-Air Ballroom in West Des Moines, Iowa, following a rough third–place finish in the state’s primary, trailing U.S. Senators John Kerry of Massachusetts and John Edwards of North Carolina. Designed to reassure supporters and bolster support among Democrats, the rally seemed to be serving its intended purpose. That was until he ended the speech. “Not only are we going to New Hampshire, Tom Harkin,” Dean said, referencing the junior senator from Iowa who had recently endorsed him. “We’re going to South Carolina and Oklahoma and Arizona and North Dakota and New Mexico, and we’re going to California and Texas and New York. And we’re going to South Dakota and Oregon and Washington and Michigan, and then we’re going to Washington, D.C., to take back the White House!” Now, on its own, this would’ve been fine. It was, however, the obnoxiously high-pitched screech that he emitted after, resembling the word “Yeah!” Within four days, it was broadcast over 633 times on a multiplicity of television networks. And, in the age of the early internet, this was ruinous. Parodies, commentary, and “prehistoric” memes began to proliferate around digital circles, spelling a P.R. disaster for the candidate. About a week later, Dean suspended his campaign due to the controversy surrounding not only the scream (colloquially known as “I Have a Scream” due to its performance on Martin Luther King Jr. Day), but the ridicule that followed. Dean was decried as “unelectable,” “unpresidential,” and lacking the proper decorum for the nation’s top office. These, if you haven’t guessed, are extreme examples. But they reveal a genuine issue: “why are the Democrats so unelectable?” Gaffes alone, obviously, don’t tell the full story. If Democratic candidates were only defeated by awkward phrasing or high-pitched screams, we’d have no Democratic candidates left. And while New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez can play Among Us, Former Vice President Kamala Harris can admonish us for saying “Merry Christmas,” and President Bill Clinton can play the saxophone like no-one’s business, there comes a certain point where the American people expect a certain level of seriousness from their politicians. And the Democrats, with their counter-culture narrative and general rebellious streak, oftentimes fail to deliver. This is not to say that the Republicans don’t have their fair share of swings and misses too (or in President George W. Bush’s case, a drive), but something that the American left fundamentally struggles with is an issue of muddled messaging. Let’s look at a few examples. In 2004, Senator John Kerry (the same one loosely associated with the “Dean Scream” nonsense we covered earlier) emerged as the victor of the Democratic Presidential Nomination, and quickly became a popular candidate. He was charismatic, a war hero, and a statesman through and through. However, his lack of an ability to take a definitive stance on certain matters seriously hurt his campaign. Kerry, like Clinton and Dean, was also “memed” to death over this. The popular internet political satire known as JibJab took shots at him for, as the caricatured President Bush put it, “having more flip-flops than a house of pancakes.” But for Kerry, this wasn’t just a joke that he could gloss over. It was a serious issue—one that greatly haunted his campaign. This culminated in an appearance at Hantington University in West Virginia, where he famously said: “I actually did vote for the $87 billion before I voted against it.” He was referring to an Iraq War funding bill —an earlier version which he had supported, but the final one he didn’t. By the time he finished explaining the nuance, however, the damage was done. To most Americans, it sounded like a man trying to have it both ways. Within days, the Bush campaign seized on it, branding him as indecisive and elitist. A single sentence became the defining image of his candidacy: a politician too careful to stand for anything at all. And yet, after an embarrassing electoral defeat to President Bush (286 to 251), the Democrats found their Lionheart in a young Senator from Illinois. Enter Barack Obama. Senator Obama’s rise was not simply a triumph of timing. It wasn’t just a classical outwit or an archetypal victory. It was the victory of charisma, persuasiveness, and a masterclass in message discipline. While others in his party tripped over how to relate to voters, Obama was authentically himself. After courting the near unanimity of his party (Hillary Clinton had her gripes), he delivered a clarity that far exceeded Dean’s scream or Kerry’s explanation. “Yes We Can” wasn’t just catchy. It was resonant. Hopeful. And it encompassed what the Democratic Party is supposed to represent. Change. That’s not to say he didn’t face his share of cynicism or mockery. Every politician does. But unlike Dean’s scream or Kerry’s flip-flops, Obama’s brand of communication was rooted in emotional precision, deep humanity, and humble optimism. Every speech was built to connect. When he said, “In no other country on Earth is my story even possible,” it didn’t sound like political theater or a brag—it sounded like faith in America itself. “Yes We Can,” however, is now just a burning memory. President Joe Biden’s message, cited as a noble return to decency, often struggled to cut through an increasingly digitized world. And that’s putting it politely. Appearing outside the White House with Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown-Jackson and Vice President Kamala Harris, Biden aptly described America in one word: “ASUFUTIMAEHAEHFU. Excuse me.” Somewhere after that, I’m sure an Obama sign rolled in its trash can. President Biden’s very apparent cognitive decline was never quite assuaged by his staffers. And when he had a particularly good remark, it usually came off as rehearsed, cliché, or something that you’d read off of a notecard during a school presentation. Hardly presidential. It isn’t all his fault; aging, obviously, is a very unfortunate fact of life. And, unlike previous candidates—or the next one—there is little he could do. Vice President Kamala Harris, however, in her historic 107-day presidential race, had full agency over her remarks. And even before that, she wasn’t exactly a sage rhetorician. Her infamous “Do not come” remarks to migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2021 confused both progressives and moderates, leaving many unsure what the administration’s stance even was. Harris seemed to channel the spirit of Kerry in her policy shifts. The party today often feels like a brand with no slogan—or worse yet, one that continues to try to appeal to modernity (looking at you, Cracker Barrel). The Democrats constantly try to convince everyone, not realizing that in the process, they’ve convinced no one. If the Obama era was a symphony of justice and progression, the Biden-Harris years have felt like a series of jazz improvisations—interesting, unpredictable, and sometimes pleasant to the ear, but almost always off-key. So what can the left do about it? First, they must find their voice again. Not the voices of aides whispering into their ears, even though help can be good. Not the voices of algorithms, even when they present important data. The Democrats are nothing without the strength of their conviction. And once they sound like they’re reading from a DNC-approved teleprompter, they lose the faith of the American public. Second, simplify. If a message takes longer than ten seconds to explain—especially nowadays—it isn’t worth pursuing. The power of “Hope,” “Change,” or even “Make America Great Again,” (that last one really worked), is that they can fit on a t-shirt, bumper sticker, or a billboard. And finally for God’s sake, stop trying to be cool. Coming from a teenager, albeit a very politically involved one, there’s nothing less cool than doomscrolling at 3 a.m. and watching a political party desperately trying to stay relevant via memes, slang, or pop culture. The key isn’t to mimic culture. It’s to build, defend, and lead it. Until they rediscover that sense of moral clarity and cultural confidence, Democrats will continue to “Pokémon GO” in circles for the foreseeable future. On July 14, 2016, Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held a rally in front of a roaring crowd, rousing supporters of the Democratic candidate during her campaign against Republican business mogul Donald Trump. “We’re going to have a lot of jobs,” Clinton said to a group of younger voters. “Jobs from building infrastructure to coding. Creating new apps. I don’t know who created the app ‘Pokémon GO,’” she continued, attempting to connect to her audience. “But I’m trying to figure out how we get them to Pokémon GO to the polls.” If only the then-69-year-old would’ve realized the absolute hilarity of her comment, no pun intended. To her credit, she wasn’t the worst one. In the 2004 Democratic Primary, candidate Howard Dean, Governor of Vermont, gathered his supporters at Val-Air Ballroom in West Des Moines, Iowa, following a rough third–place finish in the state’s primary, trailing U.S. Senators John Kerry of Massachusetts and John Edwards of North Carolina. Designed to reassure supporters and bolster support among Democrats, the rally seemed to be serving its intended purpose. That was until he ended the speech. “Not only are we going to New Hampshire, Tom Harkin,” Dean said, referencing the junior senator from Iowa who had recently endorsed him. “We’re going to South Carolina and Oklahoma and Arizona and North Dakota and New Mexico, and we’re going to California and Texas and New York. And we’re going to South Dakota and Oregon and Washington and Michigan, and then we’re going to Washington, D.C., to take back the White House!” Now, on its own, this would’ve been fine. It was, however, the obnoxiously high-pitched screech that he emitted after, resembling the word “Yeah!” Within four days, it was broadcast over 633 times on a multiplicity of television networks. And, in the age of the early internet, this was ruinous. Parodies, commentary, and “prehistoric” memes began to proliferate around digital circles, spelling a P.R. disaster for the candidate. About a week later, Dean suspended his campaign due to the controversy surrounding not only the scream (colloquially known as “I Have a Scream” due to its performance on Martin Luther King Jr. Day), but the ridicule that followed. Dean was decried as “unelectable,” “unpresidential,” and lacking the proper decorum for the nation’s top office. These, if you haven’t guessed, are extreme examples. But they reveal a genuine issue: “why are the Democrats so unelectable?” Gaffes alone, obviously, don’t tell the full story. If Democratic candidates were only defeated by awkward phrasing or high-pitched screams, we’d have no Democratic candidates left. And while New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez can play Among Us, Former Vice President Kamala Harris can admonish us for saying “Merry Christmas,” and President Bill Clinton can play the saxophone like no-one’s business, there comes a certain point where the American people expect a certain level of seriousness from their politicians. And the Democrats, with their counter-culture narrative and general rebellious streak, oftentimes fail to deliver. This is not to say that the Republicans don’t have their fair share of swings and misses too (or in President George W. Bush’s case, a drive), but something that the American left fundamentally struggles with is an issue of muddled messaging. Let’s look at a few examples. In 2004, Senator John Kerry (the same one loosely associated with the “Dean Scream” nonsense we covered earlier) emerged as the victor of the Democratic Presidential Nomination, and quickly became a popular candidate. He was charismatic, a war hero, and a statesman through and through. However, his lack of an ability to take a definitive stance on certain matters seriously hurt his campaign. Kerry, like Clinton and Dean, was also “memed” to death over this. The popular internet political satire known as JibJab took shots at him for, as the caricatured President Bush put it, “having more flip-flops than a house of pancakes.” But for Kerry, this wasn’t just a joke that he could gloss over. It was a serious issue—one that greatly haunted his campaign. This culminated in an appearance at Hantington University in West Virginia, where he famously said: “I actually did vote for the $87 billion before I voted against it.” He was referring to an Iraq War funding bill —an earlier version which he had supported, but the final one he didn’t. By the time he finished explaining the nuance, however, the damage was done. To most Americans, it sounded like a man trying to have it both ways. Within days, the Bush campaign seized on it, branding him as indecisive and elitist. A single sentence became the defining image of his candidacy: a politician too careful to stand for anything at all. And yet, after an embarrassing electoral defeat to President Bush (286 to 251), the Democrats found their Lionheart in a young Senator from Illinois. Enter Barack Obama. Senator Obama’s rise was not simply a triumph of timing. It wasn’t just a classical outwit or an archetypal victory. It was the victory of charisma, persuasiveness, and a masterclass in message discipline. While others in his party tripped over how to relate to voters, Obama was authentically himself. After courting the near unanimity of his party (Hillary Clinton had her gripes), he delivered a clarity that far exceeded Dean’s scream or Kerry’s explanation. “Yes We Can” wasn’t just catchy. It was resonant. Hopeful. And it encompassed what the Democratic Party is supposed to represent. Change. That’s not to say he didn’t face his share of cynicism or mockery. Every politician does. But unlike Dean’s scream or Kerry’s flip-flops, Obama’s brand of communication was rooted in emotional precision, deep humanity, and humble optimism. Every speech was built to connect. When he said, “In no other country on Earth is my story even possible,” it didn’t sound like political theater or a brag—it sounded like faith in America itself. “Yes We Can,” however, is now just a burning memory. President Joe Biden’s message, cited as a noble return to decency, often struggled to cut through an increasingly digitized world. And that’s putting it politely. Appearing outside the White House with Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown-Jackson and Vice President Kamala Harris, Biden aptly described America in one word: “ASUFUTIMAEHAEHFU. Excuse me.” Somewhere after that, I’m sure an Obama sign rolled in its trash can. President Biden’s very apparent cognitive decline was never quite assuaged by his staffers. And when he had a particularly good remark, it usually came off as rehearsed, cliché, or something that you’d read off of a notecard during a school presentation. Hardly presidential. It isn’t all his fault; aging, obviously, is a very unfortunate fact of life. And, unlike previous candidates—or the next one—there is little he could do. Vice President Kamala Harris, however, in her historic 107-day presidential race, had full agency over her remarks. And even before that, she wasn’t exactly a sage rhetorician. Her infamous “Do not come” remarks to migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2021 confused both progressives and moderates, leaving many unsure what the administration’s stance even was. Harris seemed to channel the spirit of Kerry in her policy shifts. The party today often feels like a brand with no slogan—or worse yet, one that continues to try to appeal to modernity (looking at you, Cracker Barrel). The Democrats constantly try to convince everyone, not realizing that in the process, they’ve convinced no one. If the Obama era was a symphony of justice and progression, the Biden-Harris years have felt like a series of jazz improvisations—interesting, unpredictable, and sometimes pleasant to the ear, but almost always off-key. So what can the left do about it? First, they must find their voice again. Not the voices of aides whispering into their ears, even though help can be good. Not the voices of algorithms, even when they present important data. The Democrats are nothing without the strength of their conviction. And once they sound like they’re reading from a DNC-approved teleprompter, they lose the faith of the American public. Second, simplify. If a message takes longer than ten seconds to explain—especially nowadays—it isn’t worth pursuing. The power of “Hope,” “Change,” or even “Make America Great Again,” (that last one really worked), is that they can fit on a t-shirt, bumper sticker, or a billboard. And finally for God’s sake, stop trying to be cool. Coming from a teenager, albeit a very politically involved one, there’s nothing less cool than doomscrolling at 3 a.m. and watching a political party desperately trying to stay relevant via memes, slang, or pop culture. The key isn’t to mimic culture. It’s to build, defend, and lead it. Until they rediscover that sense of moral clarity and cultural confidence, Democrats will continue to “Pokémon GO” in circles for the foreseeable future.
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KP: What’s your favorite news show? VL: Okay, so I don’t watch as much as I do read. So I’m going to confess to a weakness. Is my the actual piece of the news site that I checked the most is called the Daily Mail. I love the Daily Mail. It’s, I think, an American version, but it’s a British tabloid digital one, and it is chock full of stuff, and I love it. So the Daily Mail is something that I read when, just to get, you know, the news I do consume. I do read the Washington Post. I check out. I do have a thanks to the school. I have some free subscription in the New York Times. And then I watch. I read, you know, I read stuff across the spectrum. I read the free press, right, which is Barry Weiss’s. I don’t think it was, it a sub stack. I read a lot. I subscribe to a lot of sub stack folks. I subscribe to the free press. This guy named Matt Taibbi, is this substack called racket, used to write for the rolling, you know, Rolling Stone magazine. And then really, I mean sub stack, I’m really interested in sort of like Narco, Narco states, Narco crime, things like that’s just, I find that fascinating. So I subscribe to a Mexican journalist named Ioan Grillo. His Substack is $5 a month. And he’s an investigative journalist, and he his beat is, is crime, global crime, mostly Narco, Narco stuff. MB: So, how did you like find yourself, like, drawing the Substack? Was it just like you just stumbled across it one day? Or you saw these guys, like migrating the Substack and you you went along with them? VL: It’s a great question. I’m trying to I’m just trying to retrieve my memory. How did I first start? I think probably I started because even though, even at my age, I’ve always been interested in the news and reading news, but just out of ease, you start reading the same news on the internet. And so, you know, it’s described in magazines and things. So the internet is obviously an easy way to to now I’m going to click on this. Now I’m going to click on that. And so some of the I was interested in, some of the work that some of these journalists had done before. And so when I heard that they were going independent, I decided to check, check out their sites, and then then you have to make the decision. They draw you in, right? And you can read some couple of things articles for free, and then, boom, you run out of free articles, and then you have to put up or shut up. And then, am I going to put some actual money into subscribing to get the content? And for a few them, I did, but probably just the easy way was, I was I found them through the internet. You find a lot of stuff on the internet. Apparently, if you spend time on it right scrolling, you. KP: Yeah, have you always been so interested in the news, or did that or has that helped your career? Like, what made you interested? Like, just following the news from so many different sources? VL: My parents discussed world events, American events at the dinner table. My parents, my parents were big readers, and so they were very and so they talked about these things, and then they would often talk about the historical connections behind things. And so my brother and I were always interested in history and the news. So I think that’s an easy connection. And so I, I was a, still am, but as a year age, I was a, I was just, I loved reading. I read anything. If I was bored, I would read the back of the cereal box. So when you read a lot, you just read a lot, and a lot of that was also news. And being a teenager at that age, I also had strong opinions about stuff, so you always read a lot to just say stuff, right? So I’ve always been into the news, and how’s that helped me in my career? I mean, as a teacher, I think it definitely helps to be aware of everything, what’s going on. But I always try to be when I was teaching, I always tried to be careful about not expressing opinions in a way that my students knew actually how I felt about certain things, because I didn’t do it that way. But I love to read. I actually, at some point, thought I wanted to be a writer, and so I thought journalism was the way to go. So one of my majors in college was that one, one and but I ended up happily, ended up as a teacher. MB: So you mentioned that when you were a teenager, you were very opinionated. You had strong opinions. So like, where did some of those fall? And, like, how did some of those register? What were some of those opinions? VL: You’re not gonna get me to say those opinions. Nice try, though. I’ll say this in my in people probably think of where people are on the spectrum of certain a lot of issues. I found my it’s in some of the ways I felt at certain ages. I don’t know if I feel exactly the opposite now or I hear but you’d be amazed, maybe as you get older, so you’d be amazed how your opinions will change about stuff that you felt pretty certain about, you know, trying to think of, I’m trying to think of an example capital punishment. I used to have a very strong opinion about that, and then I veered on the other side, and now I find myself veering back a little bit to where I used to feel when I was young, KP: just the more you’re educated, I guess. VL: Well, yes, but now on the third swing back, it’s not so much education. Yeah, as I get older, in some ways, I am more certain about some things and far less certain about others, right? And one thing I’ll say, connect this back to the news, is one thing that I do find fascinating is reading the news. Is reading the point of view of with opinion stuff. It’s easy to know what the point of view of the person is, but actually reading what is often described as objective news, figuring out from what’s left out, or what’s in there, or the way certain words are chosen, what the point of view is of the writer reporting something right? Sometimes, when you read, how many of you read . . . the Washington Post, the New York Times? Sometimes, for example, you can see what’s happening based on what you think this person’s sources were right. If a person has anonymous sources and they’re saying things source and then you have a quote like ‘sources familiar said,’ or ‘people close to the administration,’ or ‘people close to the blah, blah, blah, blah.’ So, you can often figure out who is talking to the reporter and making themselves look good, and you know, and making the other folks as part of story looking bad, and the reporter has that source, right? I find that. I do find it myself reading the news and. And sometimes trying to figure out what it is that the writer is actually trying to convince me of, while trying to be objective, trying to look objective. KP: I don't want to, I don't want to read the stuff that disagree, like, with my opinion, like they're proving me wrong. I don't my opinion challenged.. VL: there's a famous, there's a famous, there's this famous thing about, you know, bias. It was, I was like, in the ‘80s, I remember watching this, some person went to Harvard graduation, right? These super they're Harvard graduates, and they had told them, hey, we interview. And they asked a simple science question was, why do we have seasons, right? Do you remember why we have seasons? Do you know why we have fall and spring here in Virginia. It's based on what do you know? Don't be embarrassed, because I you know, isn't it like the rotation? It's either the access to the rotation, that's the tilt of the Earth, right? It's the tilt of the earth. And so when we're getting direct rays, it's summer, when we're getting indirect rays, it's winter, and then it's in between, right? That's it. That's it. That's all it is, because the Earth's tilted at 23 degrees and we're closer to the blah, blah, blah. So they asked this question, and a lot of these Harvard kids had forgotten that, and so they said, a lot of them said this stuff that other people often say, Well, it's actually in winter because the Earth is slightly farther away from the sun, right? And in summer, it's because the Earth is a little bit closer, right? Because it's actually not a, you know, and they it all sounds super smart, but it's clearly off. I mean, it's wrong, if you think about it, because then would it be winter everywhere in the world at the same time and summer, you know what? I mean, yeah. So they would say this stuff, they'd sound really smart. And then when a person, when the reporter, would say, you know, well, it's actually based on the tilt of the earth 23 degrees. And hearing that, the amount of people that would take that truth, that evidence, and say, Oh, wow, I was wrong. Thank you. Was very close to this, yeah, instead, what you would have is these people. They would make up all these reasons why. Well, maybe it's the tilt, but it's still this, and they would hold. Were made waging, you know, like war all day, and it's really and he talks about the nature of existence and what he thinks happens when you die, and things that a person can work on to be a better person, like his diary. It was like a diary, but it's not even a diary of like, I did this today. I did that today. It's more like, maybe he had a day where he was snapped at someone, you know, and he was rude, or this, that, and then at night he's writing, it's like, come on, Marcus, you know. And it's really interesting. And a lot of people have read it and said that it has changed their it was a very famous American pow, is this guy named Stockdale. James Stockdale, he was, he was a pilot Vietnam War. He was shot, and he was held in brutal captivity for years, right in this North Vietnamese cell, until he finally was, I mean, he didn't have hearing when he left. He was just this physical wreck. But he never, he was tortured it, but he never gave his captors what they wanted, right? He never made he never said stuff against his country, his intermarried stuff. And he said one of the things that kept him going was that he had read Marcus Aurelius meditations. And he would, he would say some of he would just think about some of the stuff that he'd read in that book, you know. So I definitely think, at y'all age, books about philosophy or the nature of existence, why are we here? Is are really good, are really, are really, really good things to read. So those two man, that was a long one today. Why do you think we're here? VL: Why do we think why here all day. I don't think we come from I don't think we're just material. I don't think we're just atoms and stuff. I do think there's something, and I would hope that the purpose of life is to is to be, is to improve throughout your life. Take whatever you have, whatever you've been given, be it, if you believe it's God or some other folks, and with what you have to be better at the end than that. And I think that counts for an individual person as much as it does say for the human race. As an avid history lover, how do you feel about current and like policies in place, trying to erase some history or trying to change it in a way I gotta do traffic in a little bit. So catch me when it's 234, okay, three minutes. VL:I don't, I don't think that's that's often a tough question, right? So, like in some countries, or in this country, like, should we? Should statues have been erected, right? And then later statues are torn down. Or, Yes, or stuff that you know, this country, for example, this country has, this country is, is has, has its, you know, has its sins and mistakes and progress. So Should one. I don't think any of that should be erased. I think you should teach warts and all. I think the focus on the warts over the progress, I don't know how beneficial that is to to everyone. And at the same time, I don't think always focusing on the rosy stuff while ignoring, you know, mistakes or or sins and that stuff. I also don't think that's helpful. I don't think that any people or country or civilization, for the most part, has a monopoly on on evil or I think people, people used to be pretty rough to each other, more people. In other words, we actually live in the least violent time in human history. People used to kill each other and treat each other in horrible ways, a lot more than they actually do, even though, despite what you often read on the news and things like that, we actually live in the safest, most comfortable and least violent era in human history. I also don't think that people you are not you are not at fault for the sins of your fathers. So, no, I'm not in favor of erasing anything. Yeah, so like KP: I, I remember my grandma told me this, which I think is an interesting perspective, because I don't think of it like what you just said about you're not at fault for the sins of your father's i. She told me that my grandfather, when he was alive, he didn't like going to Germany, just because he loved history so much. So when he went over there, he and whenever he traveled to country, he learned so much about their history, but he didn't like because he had learned so much about World War Two, it just made him angry, and he didn't want to go. And it wasn't like he just didn't like he just didn't like German people, because that it's not the same. They weren't the ones. The current people in Germany weren't the ones that did those things. And then also, like all the other countries have, like America, for example, we've had a fair bit of not great things that we've done. But like, you don't think that just because a country or people like have made bad history, it's really you should look at them or it differently, just because. VL: So there's this, there's this that, yeah, there's this, actually, there's this writer. His name is TaNehisi Coates, and he wrote this thing where he said it is, he's talking about slavery. And he wrote this thing, I only read an excerpt of it, but he said it is kind of, it was a version of, it's either uncomfortable or disquieting to realize, as I read all this stuff, to know that if I had lived in that time period, I probably would have been accepted. I would have accepted slavery. I would have maybe had some etc. In other words, I would have probably, like most people, participated in the evils of of the era, right? It is. How many of us, when people are often asked, would you have done this back in the day? Would you have or would you have rebelled against it or spoken against it? Most people say, of course, I would have. RRR: And just he is. He's probably the most famous outspoken person articulating a need for America to deal with its racist past, and his book is effectively entitled How not to be a racist. So it is a fascinating thing. VL: And once again, I mean, what would people 100 years from now, they might look at all of us as utter barbarians, right? Like, for example, they might say we all used to eat meat, used to you all used to raise animals. RRR: You saw climate change and did nothing? VL: or all sorts of things. And, you know, and I like meat. But point is, it's also really hard to judge, to judge people, especially when 1000s or hundreds of years ago, 1000 years ago, people all over the Earth used to kill and mutilate each other all the time, and for the most part, humanity has made good progress towards we should pat ourselves as a human race on the back more than we do. We've gone in the mood. We We have effectively solved problems that people used to think would be with us all the time, or at least those problems are getting much, much less, right? We should also, we should. I also think we should celebrate a human achievement, progress, inventions, systems being developed. We should also, we should look at ourselves instead of like saying, Oh my God. We should also say, You know what? No, actually, we used to, we used to have to make fire with sticks and stuff and live in skins. And, you know, bear skins wrapped around and stuff. And now we send rockets and we explore. And, I mean, we're able to pave roads. We're able to have these devices that do all this stuff. We people don't suffer the way they used to. So we should also, you know, news once in a while, it's that's why it's often good to turn the news off as well and read books about lofty things philosophy. Why are we here? Right? That's also, that's actually in some ways more important. I got it. By Mason Bibby On March 14, the United States Senate (with more than a few qualms from the Democrats) voted 54-46 to pass a Trump-backed stopgap bill to avert a government shutdown. But most Americans have been lost in the legalese of the situation, which has hampered both public trust in the government and the ability of the government to instill that trust back into their voters. Thus, we are left with a burning question: what is a government shutdown, what does it entail, and how does a “stopgap bill” like the one passed a few weeks ago affect it? For starters, it is important to understand what government shutdowns are predicated on. Imagine the government likened to a massive amusement park (inconceivable, I know, but let’s assume for the sake of an illustration that the Feds can have some fun). This park, we’ll call it Bureaucracy Bonanza, is filled to the brim with rides like Red Tape Rapids, Filibuster Ferris Wheel, and Paperwork Plunge. It also has a wide array of food and entertainment, like live shows. In order to keep its visitors, or in this case the citizens, happy, every year park management (Congress) agrees to a budget to keep the park running and fun. Let’s say they get into an argument over which rides should get the most attention and funds, and they can’t agree on a budget. Eventually some of these rides, food stands, and live shows—all of which require money for upkeep—eventually start to close and no one can visit. That’s a government shutdown. Now, to avoid disappointing all the “visitors,” the managers at Bureaucracy Bonanza can choose to use a temporary stash of tickets they’ve been hiding away in order to keep the rides running temporarily. It isn’t a permanent fix, but it will keep things rolling for long enough for the staff to hammer out a deal. This is what we’d call a “stopgap bill.” However, if a deal still isn’t reached, the same issues will crop up again and rides or some staff (government services) will begin to close or scale back. Some essential ones, such as Red Tape Rapids (the IRS), park security (the military), and the first-aid tent (government-backed healthcare), will remain open, but many others like the visitor center (museums and federal grants) will not. During this time, the visitors cannot access those parts of the park or receive things from them. To that end, many members of park staff, such as the hot dog stand operator (EPA or other such organizations), are furloughed, meaning they have to stay home without pay. The park can remain this way for a few days or even months. The last and longest shutdown lasted 35 days, from December 22, 2018 to January 25, 2019. During that time, airport lines stretched for hours and the DMV worked slower than its already snail’s pace. It is imperative to avoid shutdowns because they can cause economic disruption, erode public confidence in the government’s ability to manage and govern, prevent Americans from receiving essential services like welfare, and open windows to national security threats. Shutdowns don’t just stop the rides—they stop the people who keep America running. This isn’t just about “stopping Republican aggression” or “preventing Democratic obstinance,” it’s about keeping the government running and making sure it runs smoothly and efficiently for the whole country. Because in the end, no one wins when the gates to Bureaucracy Bonanza are locked. Roanoke–much like the rest of the country–is a city of contrasts. It is quiet yet industrious, historically conservative yet home to diverse communities, and grounds for immense change. Here, I viewed firsthand how the battle for the White House could shape life in the region, and how quickly it could stir up political fervor. In March 2024, Donald Trump, with wins in the Republican primaries, easily became the presumptive nominee. He was to deliver an acceptance that July, at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee. Despite it being before his certification. The right-leaning populace in Southwestern Virginia, had already taken Trump’s nomination and run with it. This was evident in the form of many signs campaigning for the former. The sheer scale in which these signs cropped up was a bit idiosyncratic to me. During the 2020 election, I saw far fewer signs during my commutes. I could not help but wonder if the local economy was single-handedly kept afloat by the sudden demand for campaign signs. Nevertheless, I shrugged this finding off, believing myself significantly older and to that point, more observant. Soon enough, the nation was primed for the first presidential debate between incumbent Joe Biden and former President Donald J. Trump on June 27. There was a certain degree of enthusiasm for Trump; running after a Biden presidency that a large proportion of Americans from both sides of the aisle thought anticlimactic at best and disastrous at worst. To his credit, President Biden made several key points, including those about the COVID-19 Pandemic, the soaring prices of goods and services, and national security issues. However, it was only downhill from there. At the end of the night, top Democratic officials were practically tugging at their hair over Biden’s “disastrous” debate performance. Not only had Biden confirmed his age was an issue–a subject that millions of voters were already anxious about–he had failed to effectively combat the attacks on his administration. Republicans, meanwhile, were more than giddy. Trump had effectively destroyed the incumbent’s reputability. To that point, it was less than 24 hours before notable members of the Democratic began to call for his removal as the Democratic nominee. On July 21, his hand was forced, and he acquiesced to the demands of several members of his party. But who was to be the new nominee? Names flew around the nation like wildfire. But who better, the president thought, to run for his successor than the woman who had made history as the first female, Black and Asian-American Vice President of the U.S.? Who better than Kamala Harris? It was not long before the rest of the party began to rally around Harris as their nominee, to be certified at the 2024 Chicago Democratic National Convention. At this point, aforementioned signs had begun to proliferate more profusely, and in unexpected areas as well. Soon enough, the scale and location of these acts of political advocacy got me wondering about the race’s outcome. In Roanoke’s predominantly minority neighborhoods, for instance, I noticed more campaign signs for Trump-Vance, with slogans like “TAKE AMERICA BACK.” But just when I thought the election was decided in favor of the Republican nominee, a “HARRIS-WALZ” or “WHEN WE FIGHT, WE WIN” reset my sentiment and reminded me the only certainty in politics is uncertainty–and a lingering headache. The road to the White House, then, would lead through Pennsylvania—the Keystone State to finish the “Blue Wall.” What neither I nor arguably anyone else expected was a Trump rout, leaving Democrats stunned and Republicans euphoric. This got me wondering: how did Harris manage to fall short of the White House? What made Trump more attractive this time around? What did Trump get right, and what did Harris get wrong? It all came down to campaign strategy, party support, and even a sense of morality. The first thing I noticed during the race was the way in which the Trump campaign was managed. It showed a heavy desire to invigorate its base while simultaneously pulling in those who may be skeptical of the nominee’s policies. Trump’s overall goal this year was to paint himself as a unifying figure, a standpoint that ultimately depends on the voter–even some who voted Republican do not feel that way. However, the situation remains: enough people saw him that way, which led to his victory at several key junctions. He called for the scrapping of several government entities which a number of Americans saw as useless or overly bureaucratic. Donald Trump, overall, ran on the promise of returning several powers to the states: abortion, education and even some previously federal expenditures are all expected to forthwith (or at least, semi-immediately) be returned to the states come January. So what makes this practice particularly alluring toward Republican and swing voters? Right-aligned individuals typically seek to limit government size, influence, and oversight. This can yield positive returns, especially in the case of economic freedom, or laissez-faire, which the country is built upon. But above that, it also makes Americans believe they have more civil liberties than they would possess under a larger government. By returning interpretation of certain issues to state legislatures, Trump courted citizens who believed it is their right to decide. But this is not necessarily the prevailing stance for those to the center and left; those leaning in that direction argued that the best path to unity was through acknowledging all voices, rather than vesting their hopes into one person. Another thing Democrats could not foresee this time around was Trump’s utilization of different voter demographics. His campaign was unprecedentedly skilled at appealing to disillusioned minority voters, his own base of primarily White, older, rural males, and swinging voters in regions that had been principal Democratic strongholds. For example, the church I attend weekly is in a fundamentally lower income, minority community. While pockets of affluence are present, the scale is not comparable to those surrounding school or home. This cycle, I noticed several signs campaigning for Trump in front yards, on storefronts, and on street corners in the area. This was evidence of Republican work with those who may not typically swing towards the base. In battleground states, particularly Pennsylvania and Georgia, this was also the case. In 2020, Biden won 13 pivotal Pennsylvania counties to ultimately win the state and the White House. This year, Harris ceded five of them. Trump took fewer stops in Pennsylvania–22 to Harris’ 26–he was more adroit in using language that appealed to a broader demographic. He set up several “Latinos for Trump” and “Blacks for Trump” pop-ups in counties where those enumerations were the highest or most important, and continued to cultivate support by promising a better alternative to a nominee who many non-Democratic voters saw as too divergent from their values. Harris’ performance was not all failure; she won women by a ten percentage points. While the spirit of Obama’s ‘Yes We Can’ was perceptible in the Democratic campaign, it faced significant headwinds from economic challenges, global instability and erosion of trust in the government which occurred under Biden, all of which proved difficult for a candidate coming (literally) out of left field. In all, Harris failed to get a large enough proportion on board for what she presented as a noble cause. But it was not just in Pennsylvania where Kamala Harris fell short of her expectations. In Michigan and Wisconsin, specifically, there was a large disparity between expected outcomes and actual results, especially in the former. In fact, Michigan had one of the hardest right-oriented swings of any state in the Union–though all experienced it. In nearly every county, Democrats faced a hard shift to the GOP, one that stings even worse when it could be observed across every anthropological poll. What gave Trump the edge in the seven swing states was not necessarily his ability to draw in large swaths of people, which he certainly was able to do, but his personality that served as a foil to his opponent’s. Trump’s victory in the battlegrounds came not solely from drawing large crowds but from a strategic focus on incremental gains across demographics. By contrasting his governance reform-focused persona with Harris’ broader progressive vision, Trump appealed to voters seeking a transition into stability over one into social justice. As we now accept the results of the presidential election, the query of moral advantage is brought to light. Depending on who you ask, this election could be seen as either a perfect success or crushing failure on the basis of American morality which many dissenters argue has been shattered due to the election’s outcome. Many around the world feel these effects too, as the 2024 Election in the United States occurred simultaneously with a volley of far-right elections—and united left retaliations—in Europe. While many leftists around the country fear Donald Trump’s purported contempt for globalization and resurged nationalism, the right has viewed this as a new age: an “America first” one. When Joe Biden was a Democratic Senator from Delaware, he once lamented to Congress that “Europe cannot stay united without the United States. There is no moral center in Europe.” That thought has been reflected in Trump’s attitude toward foreign intervention, specifically in the context of broader global conflicts such as the War in Gaza—another focal point behind Harris’ loss. For example, Dearborn, Michigan, which has one of the highest concentrations of Arab-Americans in the U.S., voted 47 percent for Trump, 28 percent for Harris and 22 percent for Jill Stein. Trump was able to capitalize off of the geopolitical stress that has bemused the Biden Administration for the past four years. Much like Europe, Trump’s camp prioritized the importance of an ultranationalist America preserving its individuality in the face of mass immigration movements and international tumult. By conflicting with Harris’ progressivist hopes for an globalized society, Trump carried the narrative of moral high ground in an era where nations are receding into their own circles following crisis after crisis. In both the U.S. and Europe, the concept of morality was fundamentally reframed by rightists as a defense of tradition, sovereignty, and self-determination. He echoed this in a speech at a Turning Point Action rally, saying “You’re fighting against an oppressive left-wing ideology that is driven by hate and seeks to purge all dissent.” Morality, as they saw it, was ensuring America remained a certain demographic’s view of it. Trump cemented his policies as an ethical imperative to, literally, “Make America Great Again”, explicitly by protecting its denizens from perceived external threats—be they economic, cultural, or geopolitical. Trump altered his persona around the preservation of American individualism and exceptionalism. The recuperation of chauvinism across the Atlantic, furthermore, occurring concomitantly as it does in the United States has offered a vision into shifting tides. In this, Trump seized the opportunity, and rode the wave of an electorate becoming incrementally more resistant to internationalized governance. Kamala Harris lost: What did she get right? Harris was able to mount an antithesis in an election that appeared to have been decided. She shattered fundraising records. Harris took on the role of underdog against a well-known opponent. She endured relentless criticism compounded by her identity as a woman of color. Harris managed to craft a compelling counter-narrative against a GOP platform many Americans either feared or outright opposed. Her efforts laid the groundwork for future Democratic campaigns and inspired a level of grassroots resilience within her party. Her loss can teach important lessons about strategy, appeal, and how to combat polarization. The election is over, and ultimately, the outcome hinged on a combination of campaign strategy, party cohesion, and underlying questions of morality–a word with murky meanings as of now. These factors not only shaped this election but could also serve as a blueprint for a Democratic resurgence in the future. As new officials take office, signs are taken down, and individuals once again become unbothered by Washingtonian affairs, there is one fixture that remains as resolute as America itself. As I passed the campaign signs daily, gazing longingly and attempting to ascertain clarity on the situation, one sight always served as a reprieve for a mind abuzz with thoughts about the nation’s future. It was a symbol of the nation itself. There, resting triumphantly atop the peak of Mill Mountain sat the Roanoke Star, illuminated in its characteristic Virginia charm. The star does not shine simply for Republicans or solely for Democrats, but for all Virginians. It shines for all Americans. It shines as a beacon of unity, resilience, courage, and hope. In its light, we are reminded that the promise of America belongs to us all, no matter who we vote for. “Shopping for a human who understands my needs, treats are non-negotiable.” Jase Rhodes ‘26 There are so many things in the world that make us happy. So many things that induce dopamine, or the “feel-good” hormone. But what makes us especially happy, and why? It may be something we’re passionate about, like playing a sport, reading stories or it just may be watching television. It could be helping others. Altruistic behavior releases endorphins in our brains. Giving to others releases oxytocin. Our Help Save the Next Girl Club raised money and supplies for the Lampstand Drive for young sex trafficking victims. “Donating made me feel like I was making an impact. I felt so accomplished,” said club leader Fiona Parnell ‘26. Things that make us happy and excited in life are incredibly important. In order to live with balance while dealing with work, we must prioritize free time spent doing exhilarating activities and spending our time with purpose. For example, a good purpose is exercise, which is one of the most valuable things for the brain and body. When asked about what makes him happiest, Cole Cass ‘25 said “Lifting weights. It takes my mind off things. I only worry about my workout. It feels great both in the moment and after, it’s healthy.” “Dance makes me happy,” said Jahanvi Patel ‘25, “I love the performance part of it. And the movement with the music, it’s like an energy rush.” Hunter Basile ‘25 said “I would say sports, when I am bonding with teammates, sharing experiences and competing.” Winning games boosts confidence, enhances attention and focus. It sparks neurochemical changes by releasing dopamine, testosterone and endorphins. Sports are fun; they are beneficial to the mind and the body, also while influencing positive psychological effects. “Music makes me the most happy, always,” said Tyler Bloomfield ‘25, “It’s calming and relaxing. Listening to a band also can really get me going… I get lost in it.” Meanwhile, another contributor to happiness is spending time with animals. Pets, especially dogs, are a valued presence in the household. They not only surround us in a loving atmosphere; those who own pets gain the ability to raise beings. Pets can lower stress levels and even keep owners in shape as we walk them around the block. Finally, family and friends, also in the household, our loved ones are the most important people in our life. They give life skills, wisdom, emotion, nurture and much more. “The feeling of security, knowing that there’s always someone to be here for me,” said Mia Rueda ‘26. “My mom is a built-in best friend to be here with me for life. My brother I can always rely on. He gives me protection.” Over Winter Break, I had the great satisfaction of humoring myself with a bit of personal time at the mall. While not my favorite place to be, as I much prefer the little silence and sanctity I can garner my own home, I decided a moment of mental clarity would greatly work to my advantage. Valley View Mall in the later hours of the morning is definitely one of the finer experiences in the Roanoke Valley, allowing me to freely traverse the building’s vast concourse without much hindrance from passersby.
While not much of an avid shopper, I have always found a humble reprieve from the constant nagging of everyday life between the simple folds of a book. Therefore, I thought it appropriate to treat myself to a new book and maybe a few other items. I entered Barnes & Noble, a store that has always served as a calming atmosphere. Hit immediately with the colloquially known “new book smell” and other scents such as freshly ground coffee beans and the ever-present aroma of pretzels, I felt free to browse books of my interests without interruption, of course. As I perused the enticing catalog of books, magazines, and toys on display, a bright-red hardcover caught my attention. On it, the single word “WAR” was scrawled across in all-capital white letters. My eyes journeyed to the bottom of the glossy jacket, which contained the author’s name: Bob Woodward. Intrigued, I meandered over to a vacant chair, where I set my coat down and opened the book. Inside, a map of the current situation in Ukraine was displayed, including all territorial advances through October. “Okay, now it’s definitely piqued my interest,” I thought as I methodically flipped through a few more pages. I glanced at the table of contents, which covered a vast number of topics including the War in Gaza, the domestic situation, Donald Trump’s resurgence, among many others. It wasn’t long before the pages pulled me from the peaceful hum of the bookstore into the stark realities of global conflict and political intrigue. “Alright,” I decided, “I’m absolutely buying this.” While waiting in line, I noticed a copy of TIME Magazine’s latest issue: “PERSON OF THE YEAR: DONALD TRUMP.” This was not necessarily out of place; TIME’s Person of the Year has been the victor of the presidential election for years. I figured I would purchase that too, along with the weekend publication of The Wall Street Journal. Approaching the checkout, my eclectic mix of selections certainly garnered a strange look from the cashier who was ringing me up, and for a brief moment. I wondered if she was silently crafting my political profile based solely on my reading material. Was I about to be pegged as a staunch conservative? Or just someone who takes their news seriously? Either way, I grabbed my items and walked out, leaving the mystery intact. Somehow, I figured, she knew it was a little bit of both. I left the mall around noon, granting me free rein to spend the rest of the day poring over my new acquisitions. I quickly became engrossed in Woodward’s book, which prompted reflections on several foreign policy challenges that have emerged in the wake of the presidential election. While I’ve been inundated with chapter and verse over which candidate was “better” or “more deserving of the win,” the reality remains that the victory has been bestowed upon the 45th President, Donald Trump. Nearly every American is well-acquainted with the domestic debates surrounding the election, yet few pause to consider its implications for international relations—most notably, the intense friction between the United States and Russia amid its escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian War through a full-scale invasion in February 2022. Will Putin’s paranoia force his hand, or will President Trump’s characteristic volatility push Russia over “the red line?” Donald Trump, then a household-name business mogul, said in a 1989 interview that “instinct is far more important than any other ingredient if you have the right instincts. And the worst deals I’ve made have been ones where I didn’t follow my instinct.” That attitude, it seems, he has carried into the White House. Nearly 5,000 miles east of Washington, Vladimir Putin, the cautious, analytical, multi-term “modern tsar” of the Russian Federation, has often been characterized as paranoid, oligarchist and vehemently oriented towards restoring Russian territorial integrity in Eastern Europe and the Black Sea. The meticulously pragmatic president has been benchmarked by his resonant megalomania and misguided savior complex. Despite a multitude of pleas from Biden and the West to de-escalate the situation before its onset, Putin deflected, simply saying that “we defend the interests of our countries, our peoples, and our relations are always primarily pragmatic in nature.” Trump’s instinct-driven “go for broke” tendencies and Putin’s calculated Amero-skepticism represent two clashing ideologies with the power to reshape not only U.S.-Russia relations but also the broader stability of European allies. It all comes down to the perpetuation of a strained, high-stakes relationship, renewed indifference toward allies, and the uncertainty surrounding U.S. support for Europe during Donald Trump’s rebirth as the 47th President. In 2017, after securing a significant underdog victory in the prior year’s election, Donald J. Trump, a New York native, was inaugurated as the 45th President of the United States. Immediately thrust into the pressures of the White House—pressures often at odds with his campaign promises—Trump’s first priority was not closing the border, deregulating the economy, or confronting China, but addressing growing concerns over Russia’s alleged interference in the election. If true, such interference could have potentially tipped the scales for either candidate, raising questions about the integrity of the election process itself. Questions that, as observed, have continued to this day. Trump’s initial perceptions of Putin were favorable; he admired his ability to assert control over such a vast nation and agreed with some of his more conservative policies of anti-LGBTQ governance and an integration of Eastern Orthodox ideals into the country. This praise of the ex-KGB head was old news by the time Trump even stepped foot on the campaign trail, as he once said on a 2007 CNN interview that “[Putin] has done – whether you like him or don’t like him – he’s doing a great job in rebuilding the image of Russia and also rebuilding Russia period.” This unusual relationship also was not one-sided. During the race, Putin said of Trump that he was a “genius” and “the absolute leader of the presidential election.” They appeared on 60 Minutes in the same 2015 episode, and amassed some of the show’s highest ratings to date. In ironic contrast to Trump’s aforementioned characterization of his instincts, Putin said that Trump “doesn’t have the usual political instincts, but I think that can be a good thing.” In the same interview, Trump said that “I think that I would probably get along with [Putin] very well. And I don’t think you’d be having the kind of problems that you’re having right now.” So with this myriad praise, one must ask: is there any contention at all? Well, yes, and it stems from a few key factors. For starters, Russia's interference in the 2016 election and the subsequent Mueller investigation made Trump's relationship with Putin a domestic liability. This limited Trump's ability to forge closer ties without facing bipartisan backlash. So in essence, President Trump was forced to give Putin the cold shoulder or risk suspicion of treason or collusion. This reaction, however, was not immediate, and drew even stronger criticism after the 2018 Helsinki Summit, when Trump appeared to side with Moscow over security concerns rather than points stipulated by U.S. intelligence. This damaged his public image even further, and led to adopting a tougher stance on Russia. Post-presidency, Trump has been a vocal opponent of Russia’s 2022 Invasion of Ukraine (albeit praising the strategy), and repeatedly claims that he would have prevented it if given the opportunity. Across the Arctic, this sentiment is echoed. Putin reportedly became disillusioned with Trump’s unpredictability and limited ability to deliver outcomes that were advantageous to Moscow. While Trump’s rhetoric was often favorable, many of his administration's actions—sanctions, support for Ukraine, and NATO strengthening—worked against Russia’s interests. Trump’s rage at Putin was cemented during the 2024 Election which, although a victory, served as a reminder of the Kremlin’s souring attitude toward a second Trump Administration. The Russian president expressed a semi-sarcastic will for Harris to come out on top, saying that “[Harris] laughs so expressively and infectiously. That means that she is doing well.” This comment was meant to be a gut punch, and served its purpose directly the way it was intended. only served to enrage her opponent. Although this election was a victory, the damage has absolutely been done, which leaves us with a nagging query: What is this new relationship going to look like? Washington and Moscow have already allegedly come to blows over the president-elect’s strategies in the years to come. Russia’s premier foreign agencies have already dismissed Trump’s peace plan, one that stipulates postponing Ukraine’s admission to NATO for 20 years and stationing British and European peacekeeping forces in Ukraine, as a complete non-starter and vowed to leave the negotiation table if refusal to acquiesce to amendments continue. Trump, despite the Kremlin’s grievances, has not publicly released the plan, saying that it would become “worthless” if shared. With this gridlock, we are presented with two options for the future of US-Russia relations. The White House could opt for a more intimate relationship with Vladmir Putin, though some argue at the expense of allies, and mitigate the risk of the Kremlin seeking other allies in Iran or the People’s Republic of China. Conversely, President Trump could double down on his growing contempt for Putin, invigorate NATO and Ukraine, while simultaneously presenting a heightened sense of peril. Regardless of the situation’s outcome, one thing is certain: global dynamics are ever-changing, and the next four years will remain rock-solid evidence of that. Winners of the Caption Contest
“Stop acting like animals, control yourselves,” said the teacher, glaring at the students. -- Elizabeth Jackson ‘28 The Zoo for Presidency -- Kaylie Johnson ‘27 “Ok class, today we will be playing this or that: politics edition.” -- Indira Weed ‘25 Herald staff members chose their top three and these three were chosen more than others. By Mason Bibby
It is time to stop beating around the bush. Whether Republican or Democrat, I believe there is a large degree of consensus around the premise that neither candidate, Donald Trump or Kamala Harris, is ideal for a majority of people. In fact, this has been the case for a multiplicity of presidential candidates, leaving many to opt for the proverbial “lesser of two evils.” Too few have stopped to consider what a hypothetical “ideal candidate” would look like. Specifically, what would a campaign look like that synthesizes and juxtaposes all of the beliefs, values and visions that one holds dear. For myself, it is relatively easy to discern. However, that averment may be difficult for others, and so I have used myself as an example. This was a more arduous task than one might expect, which surprised even me, as I took a great deal of care in ensuring that my beliefs aligned with things I may say or attempt. To do this, I took a quick political test (which I strongly recommend by the way) and found that I side with the GOP, or Republican Party, on about 81% of issues. I was not unsurprised; I tend to lean further to the right on a multiplicity of issues, such as economic policy, infrastructure improvement, and individual values. Conversely, I found that I sided with the Democratic Party on about 46% of issues–far less than the Republicans, and far less than half. Other parties, such as the American Constitutional and the NoLabels movement, also made appearances, mostly through answers that were similar throughout most or all parties. Therefore, I figured, my ideal candidate would most realistically either be on the right, center-right, or a more conservative iteration of the left. Next, I did a bit of self-searching to determine what kind of qualities, characteristics, and general demeanor I would want a presidential candidate to exhibit. Honesty, transparency, and integrity, are perhaps the most important benchmarks of an individual competing for the highest office in the land. Lastly, it all comes down to how my opinions will change as I grow. I am neither a true office holder nor a voter, and there are many, many, many things I still need to learn and experience. But for now, I can safely say that I would value the true characteristics of a candidate rather than his or her party. How often do high school students reflect on or think of politics? The daily life of a student at NCS: wake up, get ready for school, attend four block periods, have an assembly, a break and lunch in between, then head to extracurriculars, athletic practices or home. But what do we think about throughout the day? Should students be more educated on politics? How do I look? My shoes don’t really match my uniform. Is my homework done? I can’t wait to watch YouTube when I’m home. Is Mrs. Sprouse here? What time do we go back to class? What are we eating for lunch? I’m sick of chicken tenders. I wonder if I should get a Celsius or Frappuccino from the snack shack. I’m afraid my best friend won’t be able to hang out with me this weekend. What about the world outside? Politics are always mentioned in Government classes. But are we actually informed on what’s going on in the world aside from what we are taught in school? Do we know which side we favor in politics, and do we know who to vote for if possible? AP Comparative Government and regular Government classes are only taught in the later years of high school. We don’t have a class for politics. Political education defines our politics. Students need to be educated in order to build democracy. We need to be learning, especially at a young age. “The history department aims to produce engaged American citizens,” History Department Chair Ryan Demarco said, “by not only teaching students about the contents of American history and the principles of American government, but also by fostering skills needed by active citizens including critical thinking, digital media literacy, engaging diverse perspectives, and active listening.” Some students clearly get the message. “Learning about the structures of government and the different roles that everybody plays helps me become more active in politics,” Valeria Dancea ‘25 said, “and I have also learned from government class about the importance of voting in smaller, more local elections.” Politically active Mason Bibby ‘27, sophomore class president said, “I think of politics at least once every couple minutes. I’ll be sitting in class, and my mind wanders to something political. What does the electoral map look like? What states are going to flip or stay the same?” “Sometimes I think about what all I need to get done. If the people who I wanted to email have responded,” Bibby said. “I’m genuinely a busy person, whether on campus or off. When not focused in class, which is often, I’m thinking of things I need to get done. But like everyone else, I do think about random things like what’s for dinner and which parent is going to pick me up from school. I think about whether I will mess up on the script I have to read on stage or for volleyball games as well,” he said. “As a student close to the age of 18,” Lauren Boone ‘25 said, “I only think about politics when it is mentioned. I think about it in Government, when I’m watching the news or talking to my parents. It is not something that I’m too passionate about or interested in unless elections are coming up. I’m sure that I can speak for other high school students too.” |
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